* PAPATO E IMPERO

* LA FINE DELL’UNIVERSALISMO PAPALE

( Magna Charta Libertatum (1215)

Pagine concesse gratuitamente da
Enrico Galavotti [email protected]
per maggiori approfondimenti...

http://www.homolaicus.com/storia/storia.htm

 

La minore età di Federico II, figlio di Enrico VI e Costanza d'Altavilla, nonché la crisi dell'impero dopo la sconfitta nella battaglia di Legnano contro i Comuni del nord-Italia, crearono le condizioni favorevoli al tentativo del papato di sostituirsi all'impero nell'esercizio della sovranità politica universale.

Il nuovo papa, Innocenzo III (1198-1216) si propose di rilanciare il programma teocratico di Gregorio VII, per il quale il potere politico dei sovrani cattolici proveniva da Dio attraverso la Chiesa: cioè nessun potere laico era legittimo senza il previo riconoscimento da parte della Chiesa. Di qui la teoria, elaborata da Innocenzo III, della Luna-Impero che riceve la sua luce dal Sole-Chiesa.

Il papa cominciò ad applicare questa teoria nella città di Roma, dove l'autorità politica era costituita dal prefetto, rappresentante dell'imperatore, e dal Senato, organo di governo del Comune. Il prefetto gli prestò giuramento, mentre il Comune accettò una costituzione che dava al papa il potere di nominare il senatore al quale era affidato il governo della città. Poi proseguì l'azione in quei territori dove più forte era l'influenza della Chiesa: Umbria, Marche e Romagna (che più tardi formeranno lo Stato della Chiesa). Aiutò i Comuni di queste regioni a liberarsi dalla tutela imperiale e li indusse a porsi sotto la sua protezione. Fece inoltre riconoscere a Costanza d'Altavilla, vedova di Enrico VI, la signoria feudale della Chiesa sul regno normanno e, alla morte di lei (1198), assunse la reggenza per conto del piccolo Federico, col proposito di dividere il regno di Sicilia dalla Germania.

Sicilia, Aragona, Portogallo, Inghilterra, Francia, Svezia, Danimarca, Polonia, il regno di Gerusalemme e l'impero latino di Costantinopoli riconobbero la sovranità del papa, il quale, in cambio, appoggiò i movimenti espansionistici del mondo cristiano: a nord-est, dove i monaci-cavalieri dell'ordine Teutonico e di Portaspada procedettero con estrema violenza alla cristianizzazione dei Paesi Baltici, con l'aiuto delle città commerciali della Lega Anseatica (1202-1204) nel Mare del Nord (Amburgo, Danzica, Lubecca, Stettino, Brema ecc.); nel Mezzogiorno francese, dove scatenò la crociata contro gli Albigesi, ottenendo il feudo di Avignone; a oriente, dove bandì la 4a, 5a e 6a crociata contro i Turchi in Palestina; a occidente, dove bandì una crociata contro i Musulmani di Spagna, che si concluse a favore dei cristiani. Contro le eresie ricorse non solo allo strumento della crociata, ma anche a quelli dell'Inquisizione e degli Ordini mendicanti (soprattutto Francescani e Domenicani: quest'ultimi, a partire dal 1233, dirigeranno il Tribunale dell'Inquisizione).

Innocenzo III riuscì anche a coalizzare le forze di Federico II di Svevia e di Filippo II Augusto, re di Francia, sia contro il re inglese Giovanni Senza Terra, che aveva rifiutato di riconoscere come primate della Chiesa inglese un cardinale nominato dal papa, reagendo alla scomunica, che quest'ultimo gli aveva lanciato, con la confisca di tutti i beni della Chiesa inglese; che contro le rivendicazioni alla corona imperiale di Ottone IV di Brunswick (Germania), che, pur essendo del partito guelfo, non piaceva a Innocenzo III, avendo cercato di conquistare l'Italia meridionale. La vittoria della coalizione filo-papale rafforzò per un breve periodo di tempo l'idea della teocrazia, ma in seguito si rivelò alquanto effimera: sia perchè la Francia iniziava ad affermare le proprie tendenze espansionistiche ed assolutistiche anche ai danni del papato; sia perchè Federico II era quanto mai interessato alla costituzione di una monarchia siculo-italiana (spostando nell'isola il centro dell'Impero), pur avendo egli promesso al papa che, appena divenuto imperatore, avrebbe rinunciato alla corona siciliana; sia perchè infine Giovanni Senza Terra, per non perdere la propria corona, dopo la sconfitta militare, sarà costretto, a causa di una rivolta delle forze feudali e urbane unite, a concedere la Magna Charta Libertatum, la quale pone le premesse per la formazione dello Stato moderno, indipendente dalla Chiesa.

Magna Charta Libertatum (1215)

Essa per la prima volta sancisce, sul piano della legittimità, che:
1) i rapporti tra il re e la nobiltà sono regolati non più da atti di forza o dalla consuetudine feudale, ma da un patto bilaterale, giurato e sottoscritto, che impegna a precisi obblighi i contraenti;
2) il patto è ritenuto unica fonte legittima cui fare riferimento in caso di rivendicazioni avanzate da una parte o dall'altra, e in casi di contestazione per eventuale abuso di diritti. Alla concessione della Magna Charta seguirà col tempo l'istituzione del Parlamento, organo di controllo dei poteri statali e di tutela delle libertà sancite dallo statuto.

Sul piano del merito essa prevede:
1) il re s'impegnava a non intromettersi nella elezione delle cariche religiose e a non impadronirsi dei beni ecclesiastici;
2) egli prometteva di non pretendere dai suoi vassalli (baroni, grande borghesia e alto clero) tributi straordinari senza il loro esplicito consenso;
3) garantiva che i membri di questi ceti sociali non potevano essere arrestati, dichiarati fuorilegge e sottoposti a confisca dei beni senza il giudizio di tribunali composti da uomini di grado e posizione uguali;
4) si permetteva ai mercanti stranieri la libera circolazione in Inghilterra;
5) si stabiliva l'unità di pesi e misure per tutta la nazione.

Nonostante che questo patto non concedesse alcun diritto alle classi sociali marginali, il re, sostenuto dal papa, si rifiutò di riconoscerlo, per cui esso, in un primo momento, non venne applicato alla lettera. In questo senso, forse ad esso fu data un'importanza più grande di quella che effettivamente ebbe, per quanto esso costituì un punto di riferimento cui sempre ci si richiamerà ogniqualvolta si tratterà di risolvere delle controversie tra monarchia e aristocrazia.

Originale

Magna Carta 
Decreed by King John of England at Runnymede June 15, 1215 A.D.

The Great Charter Of  English Liberty

JOHN, by the grace of God, King of England, lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Count of Anjuo: To the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, foresters, sheriffs, prevosts, serving men, and to all his bailiffs and faithful subjects, Greeting. Know that we, by the will of God and for the safety of our soul, and of the souls of all our predecessors and our heirs, to the honor of God and for the exaltation of the holy Church, and the bettering of our realm: by the counsel of our venerable fathers Stephen archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England and cardinal of the holy Roman church; of Henry archbishop of Dublin; of the bishops William of London, Peter of Winchester, Jocelin of Bath and Glastonbury, Hugo of Lincoln, Walter of Worcester, William of Coventry and Benedict of Rochester; of master Pandulf, subdeacon and of the household of the lord pope; of brother Aymeric, master of the knights of the Temple in England; and of the nobel men, William Marshall earl of Pembroke, William earl of Salisbury, William earl of Warren, William earl of Arundel, Alan de Galway constable of Scotland, Warin son of Gerold, Peter son of Herbert, Hubert de Burgh seneschal of Poictiers, Hugo de Neville, Matthew son of Herbert, Thomas Basset, Alan Basset, Philip d'Aubigni, Robert de Roppelay, John Marshall, John son of Hugo, and others of our faithful subjects:

1. First of all have granted to God, and, for us and for our heirs forever, have confirmed, by this our present charter, that the English church shall be free and shall have its rights intact and its liberties uninfringed upon. And thus we will that it be observed. As is apparent from the fact that we, spontaneously and of our own free will, before discord broke out between ourselves and our barons, did grant and by our charter confirm--and did cause the lord pope Innocent III, to confirm-- freedom of elections, which is considered most important and most necessary to the church of England. Which charter both we ourselves shall observe, and we will that it be observed with good faith by our heirs forever. We have also granted to all free men of our realm, on the part of ourselves and our heirs forever, all the subjoined liberties, to have and to hold, to them and to their heirs, from us and from our heirs:

2. If any one of our earls or barons, or of others holding from us in chief through military service, shall die; and if, at the time of his death, his heir be of full age and owe a relief: he shall have his inheritance by paying the old relief;--the heir, namely, or the heirs of an earl, by paying one hundred pounds for the whole barony of an earl; the heir or heirs of a baron, by paying one hundred pounds for the whole barony; the heir or heirs of a knight, by paying one hundred shillings at most for a whole knight's fee; and he who shall owe less shall give less, according to the ancient custom of fees.

3. But if the heir of any of the above persons shall be under age and in wardship,--when he comes of age he shall have his inheritance without relief and without fine.

4. The administrator of the land of such heir who shall be under age shall take none but reasonable issues from the land of the heir, and reasonable customs and services; and this without destruction and waste of men or goods. And if we shall have committed the custody of any such land to the sheriff or to any other man who ought to be responsible to us for the issues of it, and he cause destruction or waste to what is in his charge: we will fine him, and the land shall be handed over to two lawful and discreet men of that fee who shall answer to us, or to him to whom we shall have referred them, regarding those issues. And if we shall have given or sold to any one the custody of any such land, and he shall have caused destruction or waste to it,--he shall lose that custody, and it shall be given to two lawful and discreet men of that fee, who likewise shall answer to us, as has been explained.

5. The administrator, moreover, so long as he may have the custody of the land, shall keep in order, from the issues of that land, the houses, parks, warrens, lakes, mills, and other things pertaining to it. And he shall restore to the heir when he comes to full age, his whole land stocked with ploughs and wainnages, according as the time of the wainnage requires and the issues of the land will reasonably permit.

6. Heirs may marry without disparagement; so, nevertheless, that, before the marriage is contracted, it shall be announced to the relations by blood of the heir himself.

7. A widow, after the death of her husband, shall straightway, and without difficulty, have her marriage portion and her inheritance, nor shall she give any thing in return for her dowry, her marriage portion, or the inheritance which belonged to her, and which she and her husband held on the day of the death of that husband. And she may remain in the house of her husband, after his death, for forty days; within which her dowry shall be paid over to her.

8. No widow shall be forced to marry when she prefers to live without a husband; so, however, that she gives security not to marry without our consent, if she hold from us, or the consent of the lord from whom she holds, if she hold from another.

9. Neither we nor our bailiffs shall seize any revenue for any debt, so long as the chattels of the debtor suffice to pay the debt; nor shall the sponsors of that debtor be distrained so long as the chief debtor has enough to pay the debt. But if the chief debtor fail in paying the debt, not having the wherewithal to pay it, the sponsors shall answer for the debt. And, if they shall wish, they may have the lands and revenues of the debtor until satisfaction shall have been given them for the debt previously paid for him; unless the chief debtor shall show that he is quit in that respect towards those same sponsors.

10. If any one shall have taken any sum, great or small, as a loan from the money-lenders, and shall die before that debt is paid,--that debt shall not bear interest so long as the heir, from whomever he may hold, shall be under age. And if the debt fall into our hands, we shall take nothing save the chattel contained in the deed.

11. And if any one dies owing a debt to the money-lenders, his wife shall have her dowry, and shall restore nothing of that debt. But if there shall remain children of that dead man, and they shall be under age, the necessaries shall be provided for them according to the nature of the dead man's holding; and from the residue, the debt shall be paid, saving the service due to the lords. In like manner shall be done concerning debts that are due to others besides money-lenders.

12. No scutage or aid shall be imposed in our realm unless by the common counsel of our realm; except for redeeming our body, and knighting our eldest son, and marrying once our eldest daughter. And for these purposes there shall only be given a reasonable aid. In like manner shall be done concerning the aids of the city of London.

13. And the city of London shall have all its old liberties and free customs as well by land as by water. Moreover we will and grant that other cities and burroughs, and town and ports, shall have all their liberties and free customs.

14. And, in order to have the common counsel of the realm in the matter of assessing an aid otherwise than in the aforesaid cases, or of assessing a scutage--we shall cause, under seal through our letters, the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, and greater barons to be summoned for a fixed day--for a term, namely, at least forty days distant,--and for a fixed place. And, moreover, we shall cause to be summoned in general, through our sheriffs and bailiffs, all those who hold of us in chief. And in all those letters of summons we shall express the cause of the summons. And when a summons has thus been made, the business shall be proceeded with on the day appointed according to the counsel of those who shall be present, even though not all shall come who were summoned.

15. We will not allow any one henceforth to take an aid from his freemen save for the redemption of his body, and the knighting of his eldest son, and the marrying, once, of his eldest daughter; and, for these purposes, there shall only be given a reasonable aid.

16. No one shall be forced to do more service for a knight's fee, or for another free holding, than is due from it.

17. Common pleas shall not follow our court but shall be held in a certain fixed place.

18. Assizes of novel disseisin, of mort d'ancestor, and of darrein presentment shall not be held save in their own counties, and in this way: We, or our chief justice, if we shall be absent from the kingdom, shall send two justices through each county four times a year; they, with four knights from each county, chosen by the county, shall hold the aforesaid assizes in the county, and on the day and at the place of the county court.

19. And if on the day of the county court the aforesaid assizes can not be held, a sufficient number of knights and free tenants, from those who were present at the county court on that day, shall remain, so that through them the judgments may be suitably given, according as the matter may have been great or small.

20. A freeman shall only be amerced for a small offence according to the measure of that offence. And for a great offence he shall be amerced according to the magnitude of the offence, saving his contenement; and a merchant, in the same way, saving his merchandize. And a villein, in the same way, if he fall under our mercy, shall be amerced saving his wainnage. And none of the aforesaid fines shall be imposed save upon oath of upright men from the neighbourhood.

21. Earls and barons shall not be amerced save through their peers, and only according to the measure of the offence.

22. No clerk shall be amerced for his lay tenement except according to the manner of the other persons aforesaid; and not according to the amount of his ecclesiastical benefice.

23. Neither a town nor a man shall be forced to make bridges over the rivers, with the exception of those who, from of old and of right ought to do it.

24. No sheriff, constable, coroners, or other bailiffs of ours shall hold the pleas of our crown. *

25. All counties, hundreds, wapentakes, and trithings--our demensne manors being excepted--shall continue according to the old farms, without any increase at all.

26. If any one holding from us a lay fee shall die, and our sheriff or bailiff can show our letters patent containing our summons for the debt which the dead man owed to us,--our sheriff or bailiff may be allowed to attach and enroll the chattels of the dead man to the value of that debt, through view of lawful men; in such way, however, that nothing shall be removed thence until the debt is paid which was plainly owed to us. And the residue shall be left to the executors that they may carry out the will of the dead man. And if nothing is owed to us by him, all the chattels shall go to the use prescribed by the deceased, saving their reasonable portions to his wife and children.

27. If any freeman shall have died intestate his chattels shall be distributed through the hands of his near relatives and friends, by view of the church; saving to any one the debts which the dead man owed him.

28. No constable or other bailiff of ours shall take the corn or other chattels of any one except he straightway give money for them, or can be allowed a respite in that regard by the will of the seller.

29. No constable shall force any knight to pay money for castleward if he be willing to perform that ward in person, or-- he for a reasonable cause not being able to perform it himself-- through another proper man. And if we shall have led or sent him on a military expedition, he shall be quit of ward according to the amount of time during which, through us, he shall have been in military service.

30. No sheriff nor bailiff of ours, no any one else, shall take the horses or carts of any freeman for transport, unless by the will of that freeman.

31. Neither we nor our bailiffs shall take another's wood for castles or for other private uses, unless by the will of him to whom the wood belongs.

32. We shall not hold the lands of those convicted of felony longer than a year and a day; and then the lands shall be restored to the lords of the fiefs.

33. Henceforth all the weirs in the Thames and Medway, and throughout all England, save on the sea-coasts, shall be done away with entirely.

34. Henceforth the writ which is called Praecipe shall not be served on any one for any holding so as to cause a free man to lose his court. *

35. There shall be one measure of wine throughout our whole realm, and one measure of ale and one measure of corn--namely, the London quart;--and one width of dyed and resset and hauberk cloths--namely, two ells below the selvage. And with weights, moreover, it shall be as with measures.

36. Henceforth nothing shall be given or taken for a writ of inquest in a matter concerning life or limb; but it shall be conceded gratis, and shall not be denied. *

37. If any one hold of us in fee-farm, or in socage, or in burkage, and hold land of another by military service, we shall not, by reason of that fee-farm, or socage, or burkage, have the wardship of his heir or of his land which is held in fee from another. Nor shall we have the wardship of that fee-farm, or socage, or burkage unless that fee-farm owe military service. We shall not, by reason of some petit-serjeanty which some one holds of us through the service of giving us knives or arrows or the like, have the wardship of his heir or of the land which he holds of another by military service.

38. No bailiff, on his own simple assertion, shall henceforth put any one to his law, without producing faithful witnesses in evidence. *

39. No freeman shall be taken, or imprisoned, or disseized, or outlawed, or exiled, or in any way harmed--nor will we go upon or send upon him--save by the lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of the land. *

40. To none will we sell, to none deny or delay, right or justice. *

41. All merchants may safely and securely go out of England, and come into England, and delay and pass through England, as well by land as by water, for the purpose of buying and selling, free from all evil taxes, subject to the ancient and right customs--save in time of war, and if they are of the land at war against us. And if such be found in our land at the beginning of the war, they shall be held, without harm to their bodies and goods, until it shall be known to us or our chief justice how the merchants of our land are to be treated who shall, at that time, be found in the land at war against us. And if ours shall be safe there, the others shall be safe in our land.

42. Henceforth any person, saving fealty to us, may go out of our realm and return to it, safely and securely, by land and by water, except perhaps for a brief period in time of war, for the common good of the realm. But prisoners and outlaws are excepted according to the law of the realm; also people of a land at war against us, and the merchants, with regard to whom shall be done as we have said.

43. If any one hold from any escheat--as from the honour of Wallingford, Nottingham, Boloin, Lancaster, or the other escheats which are in our hands and are baronies--and shall die, his heir shall not give another relief, nor shall he perform for us other service than he would perform for a baron if that barony were in the hand of a baron; and we shall hold it in the same way in which the baron has held it.

44. Persons dwelling without the forest shall not henceforth come before the forest justices, through common summonses, unless they are impleaded or are the sponsors of some person or persons attached for matters concerning the forest.

45. We will not make men justices, constables, sheriffs, or bailiffs, unless they are such as know the law of the realm, and are minded to observe it rightly. *

46. All barons who have founded abbeys for which they have charters of the kings of England, or ancient right of tenure, shall have, as they ought to have, their custody when vacant.

47. All forests constituted as such in our time shall straightway be annulled; and the same shall be done for river banks made into places of defense by us in our time.

48. All evil customs concerning forests and warrens, and concerning foresters and warreners, sheriffs and their servants, river banks and their guardians, shall straightway be inquired into in each county, through twelve sworn knights from that county, and shall be eradicated by them, entirely, so that they shall never be renewed, within forty days after the inquest has been made; in such manner that we shall first know about them, or our justice if we be not in England.

49. We shall straightway return all hostages and charters which were delivered to us by Englishmen as a surety for peace or faithful service.

50. We shall entirely remove from their bailiwicks the relatives of Gerard de Athyes, so that they shall henceforth have no bailwick in England: Engelard de Cygnes, Andrew Peter and Gyon de Chanceles, Gyon de Cygnes, Geoffrey de Martin and his brothers, Philip Mark and his brothers, and Geoffrey his nephew, and the whole following of them.

51. And straightway after peace is restored we shall remove from the realm all the foreign soldiers, crossbowmen, servants, hirelings, who may have come with horses and arms to the harm of the realm.

52. If anyone shall have been disseized by us, or removed, without a legal sentence of his peers, from his lands, castles, liberties or lawful right, we shall straightway restore them to him. And if a dispute shall arise concerning this matter it shall be settled according to the judgment of the twenty-five barons who are mentioned below as sureties for the peace. But with regard to all those things of which any one was, by king Henry our father or king Richard our brother, disseized or dispossessed without legal judgement of his peers, which we have in our hand or which others hold, and for which we ought to give a guarantee: We shall have respite until the common term for crusaders. Except with regard to those concerning which a plea was moved, or an inquest made by our order, before we took the cross. But when we return from our pilgrimage, or if, by chance, we desist from our pilgrimage, we shall straightway then show full justice regarding them. *

53. We shall have the same respite, moreover, and in the same manner, in the matter of showing justice with regard to forests to be annulled and forests to remain, which Henry our father or Richard our brother constituted; and in the matter of wardships of lands which belong to the fee of another--wardships of which kind we have hitherto enjoyed by reason of the fee which some one held from us in military service;--and in the matter of abbeys founded in the fee of another than ourselves--in which the lord of the fee may say that he has jurisdiction. And when we return, or if we desist from our pilgrimage, we shall straightway exhibit full justice to those complaining with regard to these matters.

54. No one shall be taken or imprisoned on account of the appeal of a woman concerning the death of another than her husband.

55. All fines imposed by us unjustly and contrary to the law of the land, and all amerciaments made unjustly and contrary to the law of the land, shall be altogether remitted, or it shall be done with regard to them according to the judgment of the twenty five barons mentioned below as sureties for the peace, or according to the judgment of the majority of them together with the aforesaid Stephen archbishop of Canterbury, if he can be present, and with others whom he may wish to associate with himself for this purpose. And if he can not be present, the affair shall nevertheless proceed without him; in such way that, if one or more of the said twenty five barons shall be concerned in a similar complaint, they shall be removed as to this particular decision, and in their place, for this purpose alone, others shall be substituted who shall be chosen and sworn by the remainder of those twenty five. *

56. If we have disseized or dispossessed Welshmen of their lands or liberties or other things without legal judgment of their peers, in England or in Wales,--they shall straightway be restored to them. And if a dispute shall arise concerning this, then action shall be taken upon it in the March through judgment of their peers--concerning English holdings according to the law of England, concerning Welsh holdings according to the law of Wales, concerning holdings in the March according to the law of the March. The Welsh shall do likewise with regard to us and our subjects.

57. But with regard to all those things of which any one of the Welsh was, by king Henry our father or king Richard our brother, disseized or dispossessed without legal judgment of his peers, which we have in our hand or which others hold, and for which we ought to give a guarantee: we shall have respite until the common term for crusaders. Except with regard to those concerning which a plea was moved, or an inquest made by our order, before we took the cross. But when we return from our pilgrimage, or if, by chance, we desist from our pilgrimage, we shall straightway then show full justice regarding them, according to the laws of Wales and the aforesaid districts.

58. We shall straightway return the son of Llewelin and all the Welsh hostages, and the charters delivered to us as surety for the peace.

59. We shall act towards Alexander king of the Scots regarding the restoration of his sisters, and his hostages, and his liberties and his lawful right, as we shall act towards our other barons of England; unless it ought to be otherwise according to the charters which we hold from William, his father, the former king of the Scots. And this shall be done through judgment of his peers in our court.

60. Moreover all the subjects of our realm, clergy as well as laity, shall, as far as pertains to them, observe, with regard to their vassals, all these aforesaid customs and liberties which we have decreed shall, as far as pertains to us, be observed in our realm with regard to our own.

61. Inasmuch as for the sake of God, and for the bettering of our realm, and for the more ready healing of the discord which has arisen between us and our barons, we have made all these aforesaid concessions,--wishing them to enjoy for ever entire and firm stability, we make and grant to them the following security: that the barons, namely, may elect at their pleasure twenty five barons from the realm, who ought, with all their strength, to observe, maintain and cause to be observed, the peace and privileges which we have granted to them and confirmed by this our present charter. in such wise, namely, that if we, our justice, or our bailiffs, or any one of our servants shall have transgressed against any one in any respect, or shall have broken some one of the articles of peace or security, and our transgression shall have been shown to four barons of the aforesaid twenty five: those four barons shall come to us, or, if we are abroad, to our justice, showing to us our error; and they shall ask us to cause that error to be amended without delay.

And if we do not amend that error, or, we being abroad, if our justice do not amend it within a term of forty days from the time when it was shown to us or, we being abroad, to our justice: the aforesaid four barons shall refer the matter to the remainder of the twenty five barons, and those twenty five barons, with the whole land in common, shall distrain and oppress us in every way in their power,--namely, by taking our castles, lands and possessions, and in every other way that they can, until amends shall have been made according to their judgment. Saving the persons of ourselves, our queen and our children. And when amends shall have been made they shall be in accord with us as they had been previously. And whoever of the land wishes to do so, shall swear that in carrying out all the aforesaid measures he will obey the mandates of the aforesaid twenty five barons, and that, with them, he will oppress us to the extent of his power. And, to any one who wishes to do so, we publicly and freely give permission to swear; and we will never prevent any one from swearing. Moreover, all those in the land who shall be unwilling, themselves and of their own accord, to swear to the twenty five barons as to distraining and oppressing us with them: such ones we shall make to swear by our mandate, as has been said. And if any one of the twenty five barons shall die, or leave the country, or in any other way be prevented from carrying out the aforesaid measures,--the remainder of the aforesaid twenty five barons shall choose another in his place, according to their judgment, who shall be sworn in the same way as the others. Moreover, in all things entrusted to those twenty five barons to be carried out, if those twenty five shall be present and chance to disagree among themselves with regard to some matter, or if some of them, having been summoned, shall be unwilling or unable to be present: that which the majority of those present shall decide or decree shall be considered binding and valid, just as if all the twenty five had consented to it. And the aforesaid twenty five shall swear that they will faithfully observe all the foregoing, and will cause them to be observed to the extent of their power. And we shall obtain nothing from any one, either through ourselves or through another, by which any of those concessions and liberties may be revoked or diminished. And if any such thing shall have been obtained, it shall be vain and invalid, and we shall never make use of it either through ourselves or through another. *

62. And we have fully remitted to all, and pardoned, all the ill-will, anger and rancour which have arisen between us and our subjects, clergy and laity, from the time of the struggle. Moreover we have fully remitted to all, clergy and laity, and--as far as pertains to us--have pardoned fully all the transgressions committed, on the occasion of that same struggle, from Easter of the sixteenth year of our reign until the re-establishment of peace. In witness of which moreover, we have caused to be drawn up for them letters patent of lord Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, lord Henry, archbishop of Dublin, and the aforesaid bishops and master Pandulf, regarding that surety and the aforesaid concessions.

63. Wherefore we will and firmly decree that the English church shall be free, and that the subjects of our realm shall have and hold all the aforesaid liberties, rights and concessions, duly and in peace, freely and quietly, fully and entirely, for themselves and their heirs, from us and our heirs, in all matters and in all places, forever, as has been said. Moreover it has been sworn, on our part as well as on the part of the barons, that all these above mentioned provisions shall be observed with good faith and without evil intent. The witnesses being the above mentioned and many others.

Given through our hand, in the plain called Runnimede between Windsor and Stanes, on the fifteenth day of June, in the seventeenth year of our reign.

 

FEDERICO II (1220-1250). Intanto Federico II, uscito di minorità, cercò di unire al suo trono siciliano quello tedesco, e vi riuscirà dopo otto anni di dura lotta contro i guelfi di Ottone IV. Resosi tuttavia conto che il Meridione italiano rischiava di finire sotto l'egemonia del papato, decise di riorganizzare il regno di Sicilia, trasferendo qui il centro di tutte le sue iniziative politico-culturali ed economico-amministrative. I problemi maggiori che doveva affrontare erano l'anarchia feudale e il controllo di tutto il commercio insulare da parte delle repubbliche marinare centro-settentrionali.

La morte di Innocenzo III lo aveva liberato dai due impegni assunti in precedenza con la Chiesa: promuovere una crociata in Oriente e rinunciare alla corona siciliana dopo aver ottenuto quella tedesca. Uno dei successori di Innocenzo III, Gregorio IX, gli lanciò la scomunica per indurlo a fare la crociata e ad allontanarsi dal Meridione. Federico accettò, ma, invece di ricorrere alle armi, preferì venire a patti col sultano d'Egitto. Il papa non solo rifiutò l'accordo, confermando la scomunica, ma bandì anche contro di lui, durante la sua assenza, una crociata nel Meridione. Federico dovette ritornare subito in Italia e combattere contro l'esercito pontificio. La scomunica venne revocata dietro la promessa ch'egli avrebbe rispettato i privilegi della Chiesa nel regno di Sicilia -cosa che poi non fece.

In Sicilia Federico creò una monarchia feudale in cui l'equilibrio tra il re e i baroni e tutta l'amministrazione furono assicurati da un forte apparato burocratico alle dirette dipendenze della corona. In tal modo venivano ridotti al minimo molti privilegi politico-amministrativi della nobiltà e del clero (sostituì ad es. i tribunali ecclesiastici con i propri nel giudizio degli eretici). I funzionari, nominati dal sovrano (come le maggiori autorità cittadine: podestà, consoli...), non erano tedeschi ma della stessa Italia meridionale, istruiti presso un centro studi universitario che lo stesso sovrano fece aprire a Napoli.

- Sul piano economico:

1) confiscò i fondi di cui poteva contestare i titoli di legittimità (così potè assicurarsi un demanio consistente);

2) impose un dazio fisso su tutti i beni esportati e importati;

3) creò alcuni monopoli statali commerciali (seta, canapa, ferro, sale).

- Le forti entrate finanziarie gli permisero di realizzare un esercito mercenario regolare (composto anche da saraceni) alle sue dirette dipendenze, grazie al quale poteva fare a meno del contributo dei feudatari, anche se continuava a servirsi degli eserciti tedeschi.

- Sul piano culturale sviluppò la fusione della tradizione bizantina, araba e normanna. La cultura era aristocratica e imitava i modelli provenzali francesi. Espressione più significativa: La scuola siciliana (primo esempio di volgare scritto).

- Tutta l'opera politico-economico-amministrativa venne da lui codificata nelle Costituzioni di Melfi (1231), che per certi aspetti anticiperanno di molti secoli l'organizzazione degli Stati moderni, poiché esse miravano a trasformare lo Stato feudale in una ordinata monarchia assoluta, con la sudditanza di tutti i ceti a un unico potere centrale.

Quando cercò di far valere questi principi anche nel resto della penisola, lo scontro con i Comuni più forti e indipendenti fu inevitabile. Federico infatti voleva limitare sia il potere feudale che quello cittadino. Senonché i Comuni si riuniranno in una nuova Lega Lombarda e, pur risentendo fortemente di lotte intestine tra guelfi e ghibellini, pur uscendo in un primo momento sconfitti militarmente dallo scontro con le forze imperiali, alla fine riusciranno a trionfare, grazie anche all'aiuto del papato, che lanciò una nuova scomunica contro di lui, determinando la rivolta sia dei grandi feudatari tedeschi, sia dei sudditi siciliani e meridionali, esasperati dal fiscalismo e dai vari monopoli statali. Dopo la sua morte, i possedimenti della sua dinastia vennero spartiti tra i principi tedeschi, e la Germania resterà sino all'unificazione nazionale divisa in principati territoriali.

Con la sua morte finisce per sempre l'idea di poter realizzare un Sacro Romano Impero, cioè una teocrazia universale guidata dall'Imperatore. Gli Stati centralizzati, nazionali, da un lato, e lo sviluppo urbano e mercantile, dall'altro -entrambi gelosi della loro indipendenza- erano diventati irreversibili.

LA FINE DELL’UNIVERSALISMO PAPALE

L’ultimo grande papa (dopo Gregorio VII e Innocenzo III, avversari, rispettivamente, degli imperatori Enrico IV e Federico II) che proseguì il programma teocratico secondo cui al pontefice spettava la supremazia su ogni autorità politica del mondo cristiano, fu BONIFACIO VIII (1235-1303). Questo programma, sino a Bonifacio VIII, non aveva incontrato ostacoli molto grandi per una ragione molto semplice: i Comuni e i feudatari avevano sempre cercato di approfittare della controversia tra papato e impero per indebolire soprattutto quest’ultimo, sicuramente più forte della chiesa sul piano militare.

Tuttavia, nella misura in cui l’Impero era costretto a cedere ampi poteri sia ai Comuni che ai feudatari (per non parlare delle emergenti monarchie nazionali), anche il potere universale della chiesa si trovava compromesso, indebolito: essa infatti non tarderà ad accorgersi di non avere la forza sufficiente per opporsi a chi aveva saputo ridimensionare le pretese dell’Impero. In particolare, la funzione politica universale della chiesa si poneva in netto contrasto con gli orientamenti delle monarchie nazionali. Di tutte le nazioni, quella che alla fine del ‘200 sembrava potersi meglio imporre contro il programma teocratico era la Francia. Soprattutto con Filippo IV il Bello (1268-1314) il centro del potere politico-istituzionale era passato nelle mani del re e del suo apparato burocratico, contro le resistenze autonomistiche del mondo feudale.

All’origine del conflitto vi fu la richiesta di contributi finanziari da parte di Filippo IV, impegnato in una guerra contro l’Inghilterra. Il re volle imporre le tasse anche al clero francese, senza chiedere l’autorizzazione del papa. Bonifacio VIII rispose minacciando la scomunica, ma la rottura venne scongiurata grazie a un compromesso (il re, con una serie di provvedimenti, aveva ostacolato il normale flusso di denaro dalla Francia a Roma). Il compromesso però durò poco. Nel 1300 infatti Bonifacio VIII istituì un vescovado in Francia senza chiedere l’autorizzazione del re. Filippo IV fa arrestare il vescovo sotto l’accusa di lesa maestà. Il papa convoca un concilio a Roma per giudicare la condotta del re ed emana la bolla Unam Sanctam. Il re risponde proibendo ai vescovi francesi di uscire dal regno. Poi convoca per la prima volta gli Stati Generali (nobiltà, clero e borghesia) per istruire un regolare processo contro il papa, accusato di simonia, eresia ed assassinio del papa Celestino V. Il papa allora prepara una bolla di scomunica contro Filippo IV e di interdetto contro la Francia. Ma ormai è troppo tardi. Il re aveva deciso di far catturare il papa trasferendolo di forza in Francia. Gli abitanti di Anagni si oppongono efficacemente ai francesi, ma il papa, rientrato a Roma, muore pochi mesi dopo. Il suo successore, Clemente V, decide di trasferire la sede pontificia ad Avignone nel 1305. Il papato, per quanto al proprio interno riuscisse a confermare il principio della propria superiorità su tutti gli ordinamenti ecclesiastici, si doveva sottomettere alla politica francese (i papi avignonesi furono tutti francesi di nascita).

La dottrina politico-giuridica di quel tempo era arrivata alla convinzione che il potere politico doveva essere indipendente da quello religioso, in quanto proveniente direttamente da Dio e non dal papa (vedi ad es. Dante), e non solo doveva esserlo il potere politico dell’imperatore ma anche quello dei singoli re nazionali, che nei loro regni cominciavano a considerarsi degli "imperatori" (sviluppo del principio della "sovranità nazionale"). Marsilio da Padova, nel suo Defensor Pacis, arriverà addirittura a dire che imperatori e re derivano la loro autorità dal popolo, che anche la chiesa si fonda sulla sovranità popolare e che il papa è subordinato all’imperatore.

Il grande scisma d’Occidente (1378-1417). Durante la cattività avignonese, i papi faranno di tutto per ridurre in soggezione i signori ribelli dello Stato pontificio. Solo nel 1377 il papato riuscirà a riportare la sede a Roma, ma appena questo avvenne scoppiò il grande scisma d’Occidente. Il pretesto che fece scoppiare lo scisma fu l’elezione del nuovo pontefice Urbano VI, cui si oppose il Collegio dei Cardinali, in maggioranza francesi, i quali dichiararono d’essere stati costretti a votarlo sotto la minaccia violenta del popolo, che reclamava un papa romano o almeno italiano. E così, tutti i cardinali ribelli elessero un antipapa, Clemente VII, che si insediò ad Avignone, dopo aver cercato inutilmente di sbarazzarsi di Urbano VI. La cristianità fu così divisa, con grande scandalo e confusione, in due partiti. La crisi, questa volta, era interna alla stessa istituzione ecclesiastica.

Per far cessare lo scandalo, molti cardinali delle due sedi si riunirono nel Concilio di Pisa (1409), ove decisero di deporre i due papi e di eleggerne un terzo, Alessandro V, con sede a Bologna. Ma gli altri due papi non vollero riconoscere come legittimo il concilio, il quale, secondo i canoni, doveva essere convocato dal papa e da lui presieduto.

Lo scisma poté essere risolto solo col successivo Concilio di Costanza (1414-18), che, convocato dall’imperatore Sigismondo con l’approvazione dei tre papi, decise: 1) di deporre i tre papi, eleggendone un terzo: Martino V; 2) di trasformarsi in un istituto permanente, ovvero in un organo costituente della chiesa (in grado di convocare altri concili), al fine di dare alla chiesa un ordinamento parlamentare, nel quale il potere monarchico del papa fosse subordinato a quella del concilio (Martino V tuttavia seguirà una politica ostile, anche se cauta, al movimento conciliare); 3) il concilio condannò le dottrine di Wycliff e mandò Huss al rogo, giudicati eretici (anticiparono le idee di Lutero).

Il piccolo scisma d’Occidente (1439-49). La lotta tra le tesi papiste e quelle conciliariste determinò un altro scisma all’interno della chiesa. Eugenio IV, infatti, successore di Martino V, dopo aver convocato un concilio a Ferrara e poi a Firenze per discutere con la chiesa greca la riunificazione delle due confessioni (cattolica e ortodossa), chiese che quello ecumenico di Basilea (già convocato da Martino V per discutere il problema dell’autorità del papa) fosse sciolto (a Basilea infatti si stavano affermando le tesi conciliariste). I prelati di Basilea opposero un netto rifiuto, deposero Eugenio IV ed elessero papa Amedeo VIII duca di Savoia col nome di Felice V. Questa volta però ebbe la meglio il papa di Roma, poiché da un lato poté far valere a suo prestigio il ritorno della chiesa greca alla disciplina di Roma (i bizantini speravano nell’aiuto dei latini contro i turchi), dall’altro riuscì ad ottenere l’appoggio dell’imperatore germanico Federico III d’Asburgo, che chiuse d’autorità il concilio di Basilea. Il papato poté così ripristinare il suo primato sul concilio. Fallì invece la riunificazione con l’ortodossia, poiché la sconfessarono immediatamente le popolazioni e il clero orientali.

Pagine concesse gratuitamente da
Enrico Galavotti [email protected]
per maggiori approfondimenti...
http://www.homolaicus.com/storia/stori
a.htm


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